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Sukkot
Rabbi
Avrohom Gordimer
The Torah reading for the first two days of
Sukkos raises some serious questions. We understand that the
reading is, for the most part (aliyos 1-4), not an historical
depiction of Sukkos, as the Torah does not provide such narrative.
However, when the Torah does focus its attention on Sukkos (aliya
5), the presentation is quite unusual.
If we carefully analyze the Torah reading (Vayikra
22:26-23:44), we readily note that the yomim tovim are prefaced by the
pasuk (23:4), "These are the holy occasions which you shall designate in
their seasons", and a corresponding conclusion of (ibid. 37) "These are
the festivals of God which you shall appoint as holy occasions...",
follows the pesukim about the days and sacrifices of Sukkos (the final
holiday in the portion). However, Sukkos stands out from the other yomim
tovim, as the Torah does not present the mitzvos of Sukkos in the main
body of text about the holidays. Rather, after presenting a few very
general facts about Sukkos, and concluding, "These are the festivals...",
the Torah then says (ibid. 39-43), "However, on the fifteenth day of the
seventh month (Tishrei)...you shall celebrate...and you shall take to
yourselves on the first day a beautiful fruit...You shall dwell in sukkos
for seven days..." Why are the commandments of Sukkos excluded from the
main text and presented as an addendum? Why does the Torah close the
section about yomim tovim with a generic conclusion after presenting the
generalities of Sukkos and then go back to Sukkos and enumerate its
mitzvos?
I really do not want to confuse anyone (especially myself), but I must
also ask why it is that the historical background of Sukkos is not
portrayed, or even alluded to, in the Torah. Other seemingly less
important events are given full attention, whereas Sukkos, which
represents (Gemara Sukkah 11b) the clouds of glory (according to Rabbi
Eliezer) or actual protective booths (according to Rabbi Akiva) is the
basis for an entire set of commandments, and we do not even know about the
historical fundamentals of its background, save from the verses which
themselves present the festival's requirements. It is precisely this
elusiveness which gives rise to the Talmudic dispute concerning what
exactly the sukka represents. Why, then, is the background of Sukkos not
detailed in the Torah?
If we think about the first problem raised above (the Torah text's layout
of the festivals and the unusual presentation of Sukkos), we can suggest a
solution which sheds much light on the overall uniqueness of this holiday.
Whereas all other yomim tovim are commemorated on their respective dates
by observances which relate to those very dates, the mitzvos of Sukkos
correspond to no historic date. The first of Tishrei is the anniversary of
Creation (or God's plan for Creation) and is historically a day of
universal judgment, and we recognize it as such by blowing the shofar and
observing the rites of yom tov. The same is true of the fifteenth the
Nisan (Pesach), which is the anniversary of the Exodus, and is thus aptly
commemorated by the mitzvos of the seder night, etc. Sukkos has no
historic date. The sheltering of Bnei Yisroel in the desert was ongoing
and attached to no point in time. Thus, the mitzvos of Sukkos, and its
very nature, differ starkly from those of all other festivals. It is
likely for this reason that the observances of Sukkos are not part of the
verses which summarize the festival and are relegated to pesukim
afterwards.
Still, we can ask why Sukkos is mandated at all. Other acts of God's
protection and caretaking have not earned the status of festivals (such as
the provision of manna, Miriam's well, etc.); why is Sukkos different?
It would seem that the answer lies in Rabbi Akiva's explanation as to what
the "sukkos" referenced in the Torah really were. Rabbi Akiva maintains
that sukkos were protective booths which the Jews "made for themselves" (Gemara
ibid.). This sounds strange -God established a yom tov to commemorate what
humans built?
I think that Rabbi Akiva's clear intent was that we commemorate God's
protection, albeit that it was experienced in man-made structures. (Rabbi
Eliezer also recognizes that our sukka-dwelling reflects God's protection,
but that he holds that the protection was in divinely-created shelters.)
Rabbi Akiva must maintain, however, that the uniqueness of the protection
of the sukka is not just that it was a successful protective shelter which
God enabled to hold up well and keep out harsh weather. This is hardly
comparable with other miracles recorded in the Torah which were
eternalized as yomim tovim. Rather, the divine sheltering of the sukka in
the midbar was significant to merit establishment as a yom tov inasmuch as
it was not just an act - it was an experience. Living in sukkos - in God's
protective region - was a type of existence. It was the prototype of life
in a spiritual realm, beyond the natural. Thus, Sukkos represents living
in the midbar under Hashem's wings and in His shadow. It encompasses all
of the divine caregiving throughout our travels, thus exceeding specific
acts of benevolence (e.g. the well, manna, Bnei Yisroel's clothing not
wearing out, etc.). Life in a sphere of holiness was not confined to any
one date, and it receives no specific mention in the Torah, as the
entirety of Jewish existence at the time was in the background and on the
stage of life under God's protective aura, as we know from the totality of
the Torah's treatment of Bnei Yisroel in the midbar.
In light if this, we can appreciate the deeper significance of the
extraordinary textual treatment of Sukkos. The lack of a specific calendar
date which differentiates it from other yomim tovim in the Torah reading
represents that Sukkos is not an historic event; rather, it was and is a
timeless state of existence. Thus, its inclusion in the parsha of "moadim"
("appointed times") read on the first day of Sukkos is somewhat of an
enigma, and its detailed treatment is purposefully differentiated.
It is thus also understood why the Beis Hamikdash is symbolized by the
sukka in our liturgy. After the completion of travel though the midbar,
life in a realm filled with God's holiness, as marked by regular, revealed
miracles, ceased to exist in a large-scale framework. Henceforth, the Beis
Hamikdash was to serve as such a place. There, one was able to enter the
region of the Shechina and observe the miracles described in the Gemara on
a continual basis. The Beis Hamikdash was the encapsulation of life in the
midbar.
(It is abundantly clear as well why one may not desecrate the the sukka by
bringing in certain types of objects [Sh. Aruch, O.C.639], as the sukka
represents a place of God's presence. )
We can also understand why many kabalistic notions and rites (Ushpizin,
Hoshana Rabba tefillos,etc.) are widely-practiced during Sukkos even by
communities which generally do not recite kabalistic texts or maintain
kabalistic rituals. As on Sukkos, that which is hidden ("sod" - including
Kabala) from normative existence becomes revealed, as we are privileged to
dwell in God's sanctum and experience things more from an insider's
perspective. Whereas non-Chassidic Ashkenazic and Western Sephardic
mesorah (tradition) posits that Kabala is reserved for those who are on
levels of kedusha fit to be privy to its teachings and practices, such
mesora allows for laymen to recite kabalistic prayers on Sukkos, as all of
us have been granted entry to God's palace and are thus living on the
inside, so to speak.
It is noteworthy that Sukkos occurs shortly after the Yomim Noroim. This
sequence represents moving from the soul-cleansing of Yom Kippur into the
sanctity of the sukka, similar to one who undergoes purification prior to
entering the Beis Hamikdash.
Let's conclude with an analysis of the dispute of Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi
Akiva as to what the sukka commemorates. It would at first seem to be a
point of mere historical value. However, the crux of the argument is
extremely profound. It may be that Rabbi Eliezer maintains that the
historical sukka experience was akin to that of the balance of life in the
midbar. Just as all of the other miracles, as well as seeing God's
revelation at Sinai, were an educational process, in which Bnei Yisroel
were imbued with deep emuna and commitment to Hashem and His Torah,
regular life was in totality such an experience. It was a time in which
God performed open miracles even when the result could have been attained
by "natural" means, and the clouds of glory were not an exception to this
theme. Rabbi Akiva perhaps holds that the educational process of the
midbar was one of encouraging the Jews to invest of themselves in order to
deserve God's miraculous benevolence, and it was thus necessary for the
people to put forth effort first (building dwellings) as a sign of their
trust in Hashem's protection and salvation (as at the Yam Suf, the various
wars, etc.) Although both ideas are true, Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Akiva
argue concerning whether the Jewish People's "hishtadlus" (efforts) were
the means by which they deserved God's miracles or whether such effort was
part of the educational faith-training itself as it comprised the desert
experience.
May we merit to dwell in God's sukka with full trust in Him and His
hashgacha (providence) over all. May the permanent sukka in Yerushalayim
soon be rebuilt.
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